Best Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present By Ruth Ben-Ghiat

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Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present-Ruth Ben-Ghiat

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What modern authoritarian leaders have in common (and how they can be stopped).Ruth Ben-Ghiat is the expert on the "strongman" playbook employed by authoritarian demagogues from Mussolini to Putin—enabling her to predict with uncanny accuracy the recent experience in America. In Strongmen, she lays bare the blueprint these leaders have followed over the past 100 years, and empowers us to recognize, resist, and prevent their disastrous rule in the future.For ours is the age of authoritarian rulers: self-proclaimed saviors of the nation who evade accountability while robbing their people of truth, treasure, and the protections of democracy. They promise law and order, then legitimize lawbreaking by financial, sexual, and other predators.They use masculinity as a symbol of strength and a political weapon. Taking what you want, and getting away with it, becomes proof of male authority. They use propaganda, corruption, and violence to stay in power.Vladimir Putin and Mobutu Sese Seko’s kleptocracies, Augusto Pinochet’s torture sites, Benito Mussolini and Muammar Gaddafi’s systems of sexual exploitation, and Silvio Berlusconi and Donald Trump’s relentless misinformation: all show how authoritarian rule, far from ensuring stability, is marked by destructive chaos.No other type of leader is so transparent about prioritizing self-interest over the public good. As one country after another has discovered, the strongman is at his worst when true guidance is most needed by his country.Recounting the acts of solidarity and dignity that have undone strongmen over the past 100 years, Ben-Ghiat makes vividly clear that only by seeing the strongman for what he is—and by valuing one another as he is unable to do—can we stop him, now and in the future.

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Surperbly written and researched. The author certainly does well in revealing the common techniques of strongmen authoritarians from Mussolini to the present. Most disturbing is how perfectly Trump fits the mold. It's more than the striking resemblance both physically and in gestures and mannerisms that connects Trump and Mussolini, which were clear from his first campaign. It's that phony masculinity and macho man routine. Even Trump's rallies use the disco hit Macho Macho Man and that just emphasizes how desperate and pathetic Trump is to show what a tough guy he is. Students of history or anyone who ever saw a documentary on Il Duce have found it hard to deny the strong similarities. What is frightening is that Americans are not educated and informed enough to understand what's happening before their very eyes. This author couldn't have written a more timely and essential work, a book that helps explain the current American nightmare flirtation with totalitariansm.
This book discusses the strongman ruler as he has appeared in various forms over the last century, from the moderately illiberal to the outright genocidal mass murderer. The figures principally discussed are Benito Mussolini, Francisco Franco, Mummar Gaddafi, Augusto Pinochet, Mobutu Sese Seko, Silvio Berlusconi, Recep Teyep Erdogan, Vladimir Putin and Donald J Trump. Common characteristics among these rulers are explored in each chapter, including misogyny, propaganda, corruption and the use of violence. Mussolini and Gadaffi are among the figures most covered in this book, including their use of governmental power to procure willing or unwilling female sexual partners, with Gadaffi keeping sex slaves kidnapped from among the Libyan population. Berlusconi is also heavily covered in this book as are his sex scandals.Strongmen project an image of pure-hearted idealism along with the promise of striking back against the foreign and domestic forces allegedly responsible for the personal struggles of their supporters and the decline of their countries. Their supporters are enchanted by their charisma but underneath the surface these rulers have few characteristics other than greed and cruelty. Putin postures as a selfless patriot and enemy of the globalist elite but, as the author notes the Panama Papers showed, is in reality at the head of a world historic kleptocratic operation with huge sums stashed in offshore accounts. Pinochet used public funds to build himself a country estate and built a $50 million dollar fortune, in part through kickbacks from Chilean government arms deals. Berlusconi used his governmental position and dominant control over Italy’s private television networks to quash criminal investigations into his criminal business practices. One of Berlusconi’s right hand men went to prison for procuring prostitutes for him and another, Marcello Dell’Utri, was convicted of being a mob associate. And then there is Trump and just a few of his ethical issues: the author writes that his hosting of fundraisers and foreign dignitaries at Trump properties earned him $1.6 million in the first 6 months of his presidency alone; that at least 10 of his officials, including Kellyanne Conway have violated the Hatch Act; that $2.85 million in Coronavirus “small business” relief went to the Trump campaign data firms Phunware; that Trump Tower residents have included drug dealer Joseph Wieschelbaum, Baby Doc Duvalier and the Russian mob connected real estate developer Felix Sater. The author writes that Sater, convicted of securities of fraud in the 90’s, has assisted the Trump Organization in Russian business deals, including in negotiations over the proposed Trump Tower in Moscow. She also writes that in 2019 Secretary Mnuchin lifted US sanctions against the pro-Putin oligarch Oleg Deripaska, who then made a massive investment in Kentucky, home state of Senator McConnell, whom the author calls a “Putin supporter.” Huge sums of money are annually laundered out of Russia, with the author noting that at least some of that probably passes through Trump properties, which have gotten much financing from Russians, as Eric Trump blurted out years ago.Strongmen rulers have often funded public relations efforts in the United States to cover up their abuses and promote their own economic interests. The author writes that for PR work, Africa’s leading American backed kleptocrat Mobutu hired Roger Stone and Paul Manafort, who were part of a lobbying operation that also did work for Ferdinand Marcos and Somali dictator Mohammed Siad Barre. Manafort served as a lobbyist for Putin in the US from 2006-09. Pinochet partly funded the American-Chilean Council, which was co-headed by William F. Buckley. Before his brief foray into the Trump administration, Michael Flynn served as an economic agent in the US for the Erdogan regime. Speaking of Turkey, the author writes that Trump did a favor for Erdogan, quashing US sanctions against the Turkish bank Halkbank for its scheme to avoid US sanctions on Iran.But all the PR in the world can’t totally suppress the violent nature of these regimes and the author provides numerous examples of the atrocities of strongman regimes. Putin jails his critics and assassinates them while Erdogan mostly eschews murder in favor of kidnapping his enemies outside Turkey and imprisoning them within the country. The author notes that Pinochet oversaw the creation of Operation Condor, the cross-border assasination program coordinated among South America's right wing dictatorships; with his 1974 murder in Argentina, Pinochet's former superior General Carlos Prats was the first known victim of Pinochet's overseas assasination policy. Trump's presidency has been noted for the hideous conditions in which undocumented immigrants have been housed and his demonization of them as viscous criminals even though, according to the author, 70 percent of person’s passing through ICE custody in 2018 had no criminal record. The author notes that the US government has played a major role in propping up authoritarian governments over the last century, even supporting Mussolini’s government. She writes that the US government trained torturers at the School of Americas. Pinochet's regime, of course, was greatly encouraged to come into being by the United States, epitomized by Nixon’s September 1970 instruction to CIA director Richard Helms to make Chile’s economy “scream” as Salvador Allende took power in the country. Pinochet’s regime had links to Nazis in the German-Chilean community, for example the former SS officer Walter Rauff who served as an adviser to DINA, Pinochet’s secret police. Another interesting character in the Pinochet milieu mentioned by the author is Ingrid Olderock, a lady famous as a parachutist and dog trainer. The author describes the horrendous saga of a young woman who was repeatedly raped while in the custody of Pinochet regime officials and at one point found herself violated by a dog who’d been trained for the act by Ms. Olderock. Pinochet’s apologists like to portray his rule as an example of the brilliance of free market policies but the author notes that his rule caused major spikes in poverty and a severe economic crash which by 1983 led his regime to nationalize many of the country’s commercial and investment banks. Pinochet arranged his departure from office in 1988--after trying to derail the referendum which approved that departure by firebombing opposition offices and arresting activists-- by allowing himself to remain as head of the armed forces until 1998, after which he became a Senator for life and enjoyed immunity from prosecution. Of course, that immunity for him and his cohorts would not last.The author devotes relatively extensive coverage to the resistance against Pinochet, Putin as well as Trump. She is quite friendly toward the recent anti-police brutality protests in this country and excoriates Trump’s tactics in suppressing them. She points to the 2019 election of Istanbul’s mayor Ekram Imamoglu as an exemplar of how people should resist far right strongmen. Erdogan’s goons tried to steal the election but Imamoglu won out in the end with a campaign stressing national unity, compassion and openness to dialogue with Erdogan supporters, in contrast with Erdogan’s hateful demagoguery.The author sees love and kindness as the antidote to the polarizing poison peddled by far right demagogues like Trump. I think this book misses the role of center-right and center-left elites in paving the way for abominations like Trump and empowering the illiberal Republican Party in general. Like a good liberal, the author is indignant about Putin’s diabolical plots against our democracy. But corporate money and power has done far more to undermine our democracy than Putin is capable of doing. As to why Trump was elected, she points to 1) a reaction to eight years of a black man in the White House and 2) the deep roots of far right ideas in American culture. These are all true but there is something more complex: mainstream elites, including Democratic politicians, have pushed job killing free trade deals; bailed out banks but not ordinary people; deregulated Wall Street; plotted to slash Social Security and Medicare; done nothing to reverse the erosion in union rights; attacked communities of color with the War on Drugs and felony disenfranchisement laws; pushed health care legislation (the ACA) which was first formulated by the Heritage Foundation and reinforces the power of insurance and pharmaceutical oligopolies; and presided over an economy where the one percent is enriched but many ordinary people face a precarious existence and an erosion of living wage jobs. Some people facing this situation have fallen for Trump’s scam but many have perhaps tuned out the political process altogether as evidenced by the low turnout by black voters in 2016 in several key swing states which Trump won by narrow margins.This is not a particularly long book. A little under half of it is endnotes and an index.

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